John Maynard Keynes

I see us free to return to some of the more sure and certain principles,of religion and traditional virtue - that avarice is a vice, that the,exaction of usury is a misdemeanour, and the love of money is,detestable, that those walk most truly in the paths of virtue and sane,wisdom who take least thought for the morrow. We shall once more value,ends above means and prefer the good to the useful. We shall honour,those who can teach us to pluck the hour and the day virtuously and,well, the delightful people who are capable of taking direct enjoyment,in things, the lilies of the field who toil not, neither do they spin.

But beware! The time for all this is not yet. For at least another,hundred years we must pretend to ourselves and to everyone that fair is,foul and foul is fair, for foul is useful,and fair is not. Avarice and,usury and precaution must be our gods for a little longer still. For,only they can lead us out of the tunnel of economic necessity into,daylight.

The long run is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead.

Education: the inculcation of the incomprehensible into the indifferent by the incompetent.

When my information changes, I alter my conclusions. What do you do, sir?,Newton was not the first of the age of reason. He was the last of the magicians, the last of the Babylonians and Sumerians, the last great mind that looked out on the visible and intellectual world with the same eyes as those who began to build our intellectual inheritance rather less than 10,000 years ago.

Capitalism is the astounding belief that the most wickedest of men will do the most wickedest of things for the greatest good of everyone.

A study of the history of opinion is a necessary preliminary to the emancipation of the mind.

The war has ended with every one owing every one else immense sums of money. Germany owes a large sum to the Allies, the Allies owe a large sum to Great Britain, and Great Britain owes a large sum to the United States. The holders of war loan in every country are owed a large sum by the States, and the States in its turn is owed a large sum by these and other taxpayers. The whole position is in the highest degree artificial, misleading, and vexatious. We shall never be able to move again, unless we can free our limbs from these paper shackles.

Our attitude to these criticisms must be determined by our whole moral and emotional reaction to the future of international relations and the Peace of the World.

How long will it be necessary to pay City men so entirely out of proportion to what other servants of society commonly receive for performing social services not less useful or difficult?,The businessman is only tolerable so long as his gains can be held to bear some relation to what, roughly and in some sense, his activities have contributed to society.

When the accumulation of wealth is no longer of high social importance, there will be great changes in the code of morals. We shall be able to rid ourselves of many of the pseudo-moral principles which have hag-ridden us for two hundred years, by which we have exalted some of the most distasteful of human qualities into the position of the highest virtues. We shall be able to afford to dare to assess the money-motive at its true value. The love of money as a possession — as distinguished from the love of money as a means to the enjoyments and realities of life — will be recognized for what it is, a somewhat disgusting morbidity, one of those semi-criminal, semi-pathological propensities which one hands over with a shudder to the specialists in mental disease.

The difficulty lies not so much in developing new ideas as in escaping from old ones.

By this means the government may secretly and unobserved, confiscate the wealth of the people, and not one man in a million will detect the theft.

When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?,If we consistently act on the optimistic hypothesis, this hypothesis will tend to be realised; whilst by acting on the pessimistic hypothesis we can keep ourselves for ever in the pit of want.

If you owe your bank a hundred pounds, you have a problem. But if you owe a million, it has.

Capitalism is the extraordinary belief that the nastiest of men for the nastiest of motives will somehow work together for the benefit of all.

The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed, the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually slaves of some defunct economist.

The difficulty lies not so much in developing new ideas as in escaping the old ones.

Too large a proportion of recent "mathematical" economics are mere concoctions, as imprecise as the initial assumptions they rest on, which allow the author to lose sight of the complexities and interdependencies of the real world in a maze of pretentious and unhelpful symbols.

In the long run we are all dead.

We should not conclude from this that everything depends on waves of irrational psychology. On the contrary, the state of long-term expectation is often steady, and, even when it is not, the other factors exert their compensating effects. We are merely reminding ourselves that human decisions affecting the future, whether personal or political or economic, cannot depend on strict mathematical expectation, since the basis for making such calculations does not exist; and that it is our innate urge to activity which makes the wheels go round, our rational selves choosing between the alternatives as best we are able, calculating where we can, but often falling back for our motive on whim or sentiment or chance.

Practical men who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.

The political problem of mankind is to combine three things: economic efficiency, social justice and individual liberty.

In the long run we are all dead. Economists set themselves too easy, too useless a task if in tempestuous seasons they can only tell us that when the storm is long past the ocean is flat again.

It is better to be roughly right than precisely wrong.

The best way to destroy the capitalist system is to debauch the currency. By a continuing process of inflation governments can confiscate secretly and unobserved an important part of the wealth of their citizens.

Ideas shape the course of history.

The day is not far off when the economic problem will take the back seat where it belongs, and the arena of the heart and the head will be occupied or reoccupied, by our real problems - the problems of life and of human relations, of creation and behavior and religion.

The disruptive powers of excessive national fecundity may have played a greater part in bursting the bonds of convention than either the power of ideas or the errors of autocracy.

The avoidance of taxes is the only intellectual pursuit that still carries any reward.

I work for a Government I despise for ends I think criminal.

By a continuing process of inflation, government can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens.

Most men love money and security more, and creation and construction less, as they get older.

The importance of money flows from it being a link between the present and the future.

The social object of skilled investment should be to defeat the dark forces of time and ignorance which envelope our future. .