Charles Murray

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Biography

Charles Alan Murray is an American libertarian conservative political scientist, author, and columnist. His book Losing Ground: American Social Policy 1950–1980 (1984), which discussed the American welfare system, was widely read and discussed, and influenced subsequent government policy. He became well-known for his controversial book The Bell Curve (1994), written with Richard Herrnstein, in which he argues that intelligence is a better predictor than parental socio-economic status or education level of many individual outcomes including income, job performance, pregnancy out of wedlock, and crime, and that social welfare programs and education efforts to improve social outcomes for the disadvantaged are largely wasted.

  • Active years
  • 81
  • Primary profession
  • Actor·director
  • Country
  • Scotland
  • Nationality
  • Scottish
  • Gender
  • Male
  • Birth date
  • 12 May 1894
  • Place of birth
  • Rochester· New York
  • Death date
  • 1821
  • Death age
  • 69
  • Place of death
  • London
  • Cause of death
  • Natural causes
  • Residence
  • Newton
  • Children
  • Charles James Murray·
  • Spouses
  • Education
  • Oriel College· Oxford·Eton College·Massachusetts Institute of Technology·Harvard University·Harvard College·Glasgow School of Art·Wesley College
  • Knows language
  • English language·English language
  • Member of
  • Peace Corps
  • Parents
  • George Murray··

Movies

TV

Books

Awards

Trivia

Entered films with the Biograph Company in 1912.

In the Keystone films he played the Hogan character.

Off screen pseudonym: James OHara

On stage in travelling shows from the age of eleven. Later teamed up with Oliver Trumbull (stage name Ollie Mack) as half of the vaudeville double act of "Murray and Mack". After an impressive 21 years on the circuit, they split up and Murray joined Biograph in 1914. Two years later, he moved to Keystone, where he appeared in several films opposite Charlie Chaplin and Mabel Normand. He remained a popular actor in 2-reel comedy shorts throughout the 20s and was still seen in small character roles up to 1938.

Quotes

Regardless of whether people have free will, human flourishing requires that they live in an environment in which they are treated as if they did.

The main vehicle for nineteenth-century socialization was the leading textbook used in elementary school. They were so widely used that sections in them became part of the national language. Theodore Roosevelt, scion of an elite New York family, schooled by private tutors, had been raised on the same textbooks as the children of Ohio farmers, Chicago tradesman, and New England fishermen. If you want to know what constituted being a good American from the mid-nineteenth century to World War I, spend a few hours browsing through the sections in the McGuffey Readers.

The percentage of people qualifying for federal disability benefits because they are unable to work rose from 0. 7 percent of the size of the labor force in 1960 to 5. 3% in 2010.

The human impulse behind the isolation of class is as basic as impulses get: People like to be around other people who understand them and to whom they can talk.

The average Harvard freshman in 1952 would have placed in the bottom 10 percent of the incoming class by 1960.

Data can bear on policy issues, but many of our opinions about policy are grounded in premises about the nature of human life and human society that are beyond the reach of data.

the most lovable of exceptional American qualities (is) our tradition of insisting that we are part of the middle class, even if we aren’t, and of interacting with our fellow citizens as if we were all middle class.

Considerable social science research has found that constant praise of children can backfire, because it so often consists of telling children how smart they are, not of praising children for the things they actually do. As a result, many children become protective of their image of being smart and are reluctant to take chances that might actually damage that image.

Responsibility for the consequences of actions is not the price of freedom, but one of its rewards.

paying taxes is a cheap price for a quiet conscience—much cheaper than actually having to get involved in the lives of their fellow citizens. .

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